Βαλκανικά Σύμμεικτα

Abstracts

2015-09-26T18:19:56+03:00

Τομή στην πολιτική και πολιτειακή φιλοσοφία του Ρήγα: το ελληνικόν και το δημοκρατικόν ως δομικοί άξονες της «Ελληνικής Δημοκρατίας»

2016-06-17T11:24:34+03:00

There is much literature on the life and writings of Rhigas. This article
attempts to complement the existing literature by examining and analyzing
the most significant features of his political thought as articulated in his vision
of the Hellenic Republic. How did Rhigas define the Hellenic character of the
envisaged republic? What role would the Greek language play? What sort of
democracy did Rhigas opt for? What kind of political principles would
dominate? Finally, we will attempt a short analysis of the form of nationalism
emerging from his writings and of assumptions whether his project could be
effective and viable.

Η Αρχιεπισκοπή της Αχρίδας ως ιδεολογικό υπόβαθρο της εκκλησιαστικής ανεξαρτησίας των Βουλγάρων (1850-1870)

2016-06-17T11:24:51+03:00

In this paper we present the Bulgarian point of view related to the reestablishment
of the Archbishopric of Ohrid. The Bulgarian aim to acquire
ecclesiastical independence in the middle of the 19th century was based on the
historical tradition of their ancient churches, that is of the Patriarchate of
Tamovo and of the Archbishopric of Ohrid. All Bulgarian texts of this period
do not fail to mention that the Archbishopric of Ohrid was a Bulgarian church
illegally abolished in 1767 by the Patriarchate of Constantinople. In spite of
this attitude, the Bulgarians never really fought for the re-establishment of
this old church. What they really wanted was an independent church on
national basis. They only raised this demand in 1867 for tactical reasons. On
the contrary the inhabitants of Ohrid showed more enthusiasm to the realization
of such a plan. Their zeal brought them to disagreement with the
leaders of the Bulgarian national movement. Examining this specific parameter
of the Bulgarian issue we are in front of a typical example of the ideological
function of history.

Παιδεία και εθνικό κίνημα στα Βαλκάνια: μια προσέγγιση της περίπτωσης του εξαρχικού γυμνασίου αρρένων «Κύριλλος και Μεθόδιος» της Θεσσαλονίκης (1880- 1913)

2016-06-17T11:25:09+03:00

The paper sets out to examine and clarify the contribution of Salonika
Bulgarian High School for Boys “Saints Cyril and Methodius” in the development
of Bulgarian national and cultural work. It also aims to find out and
explain the historical circumstances and factors which led this school to play a
significant and effective role in the emergence of Bulgarian national movement
in Ottoman Macedonia.
The Salonika High School for Boys “Saints Cyril and Methodius” was the
first secondary Bulgarian school in Macedonia during the period of Ottoman
Empire. It was founded in 1880 by Exarchate, the independent Bulgarian
ecclesiastical organization, and existed until 1913. Then, it was moved to the
town Goma Dzhumaja (today known as Blagoevgrad) in Pirin Macedonia of
Bulgaria where it exists until nowadays as “Saints Cyril and Methodius National
Humanitarian High School”.
During the period 1880-1913, the school was developed as a modern
educational establishment in multicultural Salonika and became the most influential
Bulgarian national centre in Macedonia. Bulgarian eminent intellectuals
and public figures are noted among the teachers and students at Salonika
High School for Boys “Saints Cyril and Methodius”. In addition, the school’s
graduates include outstanding figures which had participated in the Bulgarian
national revolutionary movement in Macedonia during the last decate of 19th
and early 20th century.

Ο Πέτρος Παπαγεωργίου και το γλωσσικό ζήτημα. Όψεις του εκπαιδευτικού δημοτικισμού στη Μακεδονία των αρχών του 20ού αιώνα

2016-06-17T11:25:26+03:00

This paper examines the attitude of Petros Papageorgiou (1854-1914), one
of Macedonia’s most important classical scholars and teachers, towards
demoticism. With exception of Manolis Triantaphyllidis, who cited two short
stories written by him in the demotic idiom shortly before his death, he has
uniformly been described as a purist, a disciple of Konstantinos Kontos, a
classical philologist and professor at the University of Athens. Research into
Papageorgiou’s (relatively modest) literary output plus a document from the
Consulate-General of Thessaloniki attesting to his membership of a committee formed to compile readers written in the demotic as a means of improving the
Greek language skills of the non-Greek-speaking populations of Macedonia
(1903) show a shift in his position shortly before the beginning of the Macedonian
Struggle, the result of a realistic appreciation of the language question:
the absorption of those populations into the Greek state and the ethnic
integration of Macedonia depended on their language assimilation, and that
could only be achieved through the demoticism of education. This also helps
explain his decision to write in the demotic idiom in the later part of his life.

Όψεις του μακεδονικού ζητήματος: εκπαιδεύοντας δασκάλους για τα ξενόφωνα σχολεία της ελληνικής Μακεδονίας (1912-1936)

2016-06-17T11:25:42+03:00

In the present study we search the models of teachers’ education that
could contribute to the creation of the applicable conditions in order effective
in the field of non-Greek speakers’ assimilation teachers to be produced.
These models are the following: a) The technocratic tendency: It was expressed
by teachers, who attributed to the schoolteachers’ education the mission
of the linguistic assimilation of students coming from non-Greek speaking
communities, objective that presupposed, in their opinion, concrete interventions
in the level of educational action, b) The tendency of education of
teachers, “specialized in the northern Macedonian conditions”: This point
expressed by a Director in a teacher training school intended the students’
adaptation in the educational environment of non-Greek speaking villages
through their practical exercise, c) The theory of “creating a class of teachers
coming from the non-Greek speaking villages": According to this version the
process of “exellinisme” in Macedonia would be achieved, if a class of
teachers coming from the non-Greek speaking villages could be created. This
class could function as models in the local societies. The model that finally
prevailed in the education of Macedonian space was the last one.

Περί ανοήτου ταύτης εκστρατείας ... Ο Ελευθέριος Βενιζέλος και η συμμετοχή της Ελλάδας στην εκστρατεία της Ουκρανίας (Νοέμβριος 1918 - Απρίλιος 1919)

2016-06-17T11:25:58+03:00

The participation of Greece in the Ukrainian Campaign (November 1918 —
April 1919) marked a turning point on greek foreign policy, at the end of World War I. It was the outcome of a longstanding policy that made use of all
diplomatic and military means, in order to achieve the completion of national
aspirations, within the frame of national ideology of the “Megali Idea”. The
main goals of the present essay is 1st) to interpret the political decision of
prime minister Eleftherios Venizelos to participate in the Ukrainian Campaign,
by sending two military Divisions, 2nd) to explore the response of
greek communities of Odessa and Crimea to the presence of greek expeditionary
forces in Southern Russia, 3rd) to revise the common perception in
historiography that the landing of greek military forces in Smyrna (on May
1919) was given as reward by the Allies, for the participation of Greece in the
Ukrainian Campaign, 4th) to attempt a new evaluation of the events, in a
political and diplomatic level.

Υπόθεση Μουλά και το ελληνικό τυρεμπόριο στην Αλβανία του μεσοπολέμου

2016-06-17T11:26:17+03:00

One more problem in the Greek-Albanian relations during the interwar
period was the Moulas question and that of Greek cheese producers who were
extremely active in that section of commerce in Albania. Object of this article
is the presentation of the way these questions were faced both by Greek and
the Albanian governments. Furthermore, in the intentions of the article is to
explain the Albanian attitude and simultaneously to show up the Greek
responsibilities in the impasse the relations of two countries had reached.

Η αναγγελία στον Τύπο του κορυφαίου γεγονότος στην Κωνσταντινούπολη του 1928. Η γλωσσική μεταρρύθμιση και η αλλαγή των αριθμών και του ημερολογίου

2016-06-17T11:26:33+03:00

The present paper focuses on the reform of Turkish language. This reform
took place in November 1928. The consequences of this process determined
the developments in the language for the next decades. For the reform’s
success important role played city of Constantinople. If the population of this
city accepted the changes, same acceptation would also happen in the
remainder country. For this reason Mustafa Kemal gave particular importance
to convince population of Constantinople that his proposing reforms would
bring a lot of profits in the intellectual progress of Turkish nation. Consequently,
this is the explanation of trying hard to defend language reform through the newspapers. Moreover, the creator of new Turkey travelled in all
the comers of his country, in order to propagate his ideas about Latin alphabet
and westernization. The majority of his people considered the old, Ottoman
language with the Arabic alphabet, as holy language. Koran was written in
the Arabic language, so the suppression of this alphabet amounted to a refusal
of Muslim identity. Turkey’s President expected that reactions would emanate
from the conservative partisans of religion. The tours of Kemal aimed to
convince Turks that their new alphabet brought country nearer to Europe. One
of his first tours had as destination Eastern Thrace. Kemal considered
European province of Turkey as symbol of reform. From there he began to try
for the success of new alphabet. Also, in the same paper has been added an
annex including some discussions in the Turkish Parliament. These discussions
on the language question shows attention that paid leaders of Turkey and
especially President of Turkish Republic to the new initiatives.

Η μεσοπολεμική Γιουγκοσλαβία στη μεταγενέστερη ιστοριογραφία. Ιδεολογικές και πολιτικές παράμετροι

2016-06-17T11:26:49+03:00

The current essay deals with certain aspects of a complex problem: The
presentation, analysis and interpretation of the main trends of the historiography
of Interwar Yugoslavia. The Serbian and Croatian historiography can be
divided into two categories. The first category is of great importance, since it
includes monographies and articles that reflect the main economical, social
and political developments in Tito’s Yugoslavia. In the period after the
Second World War a huge amount of historical works concerning the developments
in Interwar Yugoslavia has been produced. Scientific institutions such
as the Institute of Contemporary History in Belgrade and the Institute of
Croatian History in Zagreb have contributed a great deal to this effort. One
should take into consideration the fact that the majority of their scientific
associates did their research, while they promoted the ideals and principles of
a unified socialist Yugoslavia. The second category includes works that have
been produced since the early 90’s. The dissolution of Socialist Yugoslavia
and the formation of independent states had a huge impact on both Serbian
and Croatian historiography, since Sebian and Croatian historians viewed the
past in a completely different way.

Τα ταξίδια του Χέρμαν Γκαίρινγκ και η γερμανική πολιτική στα Βαλκάνια (1934-1936)

2016-06-17T11:27:38+03:00

After Hitler’s rise to power. National Socialist Germany took action with
the aim to restore diplomatic, economic and political relations with the Balkan
countries, which had suffered great damage in the Great War. In the beginning,
this action took the form of unofficial contact with the various countries,
in which the German representative Hermann Goring, Speaker of the
House of the Third Reich and Minister of Aviation, played a leading part.
From 1934 the German dignitary carried out a series of trips, visiting the
Balkan capitals and making contacts at a high political level. As was to be
expected, Göring’s trips sounded the alarm in diplomatic and political circles,
especially in all the countries that had been involved in World War I and
which consequently followed closely the reactivation of German politics in the
Balkans. Naturally, evaluation of the German diplomatic attempts to gain lost
ground in the region and to compete with the other powers was in direct
interdependence with the legacy of the war. If for some Balkan countries the
political counterbalance and revisionism had found an important ally in the
unstable international scene of the interwar period, for others the German
factor seeking fertile ground in the “power-keg of Europe”, which was the
Balkans, once again seriously threatened stability and peace.

Το σύμφωνο της Θεσσαλονίκης της 31ης Ιουλίου 1938: διπλωματικό παρασκήνιο, ελληνικές προσδοκίες και βουλγαρικές διαψεύσεις. Συμβολή στη μελέτη των ελληνο- βουλγαρικών σχέσεων της δεκαετίας του ’30

2016-06-17T11:27:23+03:00

The Salonica agreement, signed by Metaxas on behalf of the Balkan
Entente and Bulgarian Prime Minister Kiosseivanov, allowed Greece and
Turkey to remilitarize Thrace and Bulgaria to disregard the arms limitation
clauses of the treaty of Neuilly. It was a strategy of british diplomacy to
appease Bulgaria to join the Balkan Entente. But for Bulgaria the Balkan
Entente was a stillborn alliance. Sofia was pursuing a revisionism to the detriment
of Greece, Yugoslavia and Romania relying on Germany and saw the
Salonica agreement as a sign of weakness of the Western Powers.

Βρετανική ματιά στη Μακεδονία (1945-1946)

2016-06-17T11:27:55+03:00

The paper focuses on the political and social developments in Greek
Macedonia during 1945-1946. It is based on the weekly reports of the British
Consul in Thessaloniki. The fall of 1945 and the beginning of 1946 was a
crucial period in the Greek political scene. This was the period which prepared
the ground for the Greek Civil War. The weekly reports reveal that the
road to the rupture between the bourgeois and the communist forces was
inevitable.

Η ελληνική βαλκανική πολιτική στα δελτία ειδήσεων του ΕΙΡΤ Ιανουάριος - Αύγουστος 1975

2016-06-17T11:28:10+03:00

Greek diplomacy had to be re-established, after the restoration of the
Hellenic Republic in 1974. Prime Minister Konstantinos Karamanlis aimed at
the improvement of bilateral relations with Bulgaria, Romania and Yugoslavia.
Karamanlis believed that through the reinforcement of bilateral relations,
he could establish substantial multilateral relations among balkan
countries. This paper presents the Greek Balkan policy during the first semester
of 1975 through news of the Greek radio. Although radio is a mild
diplomatic mean, Greek radio news succeeded in broadcasting Karamanlis’s
Balkan goals. Greek radio avoided any rhetoric exaggerations and enthusiastic
reports upon the Greek-Balkan relations, but insisted on announcing
diplomatic meetings, the low level ones included. Exceptions were made only
for Karamanlis’s visits in Beograd, Bucharest and Sofia. Discourses with the
Romanian, Yugoslav and Bulgarian leaders Ceauşescu, Tito and Zhivkov
were carried out in warm atmosphere and encouraged Karamanlis to promote
his idea about multilateral relations in the Balkan peninsula during the
Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe (CSCE) in Helsinki.

Προς τα πού βαδίζει η νοτιοανατολική Ευρώπη; Η πορεία της οικονομίας της ελεύθερης αγοράς στα μετακομμουνιστικά Βαλκάνια

2016-06-17T11:28:25+03:00

In the early 1990s, the countries of the Eastern Bloc faced the collapse of
existing socialism and the loss of important commercial ties with the Soviet Union. The transition from the socialist regime to liberal democracy brought
about the transition from a centrally planned economy to the free market. The
purpose of this article is to study the two proposed economic transition methods
and to examine the reasons why there were different economic outcomes
in the countries of Southeastern Europe. The first section analyzes the basic
theoretical methods on economic transition. The second section traces the
common factors present in the Balkan countries and the third, the possible
causes that affected the smooth transition to a market economy based on these
common factors. Finally, the article combines these factors with other countryspecific
circumstances. The article comes to the conclusion that for Southeastern
Europe their relative failure is not due to the choice of method but
rather, due to the specific factors present in the Balkans: low levels of industrialization
at the onset of communism, low incomes at the start of the
post-communist era, geographic location, and, failure to achieve a clear breakup
with their past economic and political system.

Η περίοδος μετάβασης στα Βαλκάνια. Η περίπτωση της Αλβανίας

2016-06-17T11:28:46+03:00

Immediately afterwards the collapse of system of real socialism, the
countries of former Eastern notepad sought their integration -between these
and Albania- in Western European forms economic and political-military
collaboration and more specifically in the growth of relations with E.U. and
the NATO.
Of course, this process of democratization with parliamentary system and
with an economy that will give accent in the mechanisms of market involves
structural and institutional changes. The liberalization of economic structures
constituted a powerful “shock” for most economies that take place under passage,
at least for the first years of this process. The differences in the internal
policy and constitution of individual Balkan countries, the different orientations
internal and exterior political and the divergences in the levels of economic
growth determined the degree of success or failure of import of institutions
of mixed economy. The paper aims at it as it investigates the
economic and political parameters of period of transition in Albania and it
presents the main points that characterized this time phase.

Αγγελική Δεληκάρη, Άγιος Γρηγόριος ο Σιναΐτης. Η δράση και η συμβολή του στη διάδοση του Ησυχασμού στα Βαλκάνια. Η σλαβική μετάφραση του Βίου του κατά το αρχαιότερο χειρόγραφο, [Ελληνισμός και κόσμος των Σλάβων 6], Θεσσαλονίκη: εκδ. University Studio Press, 2004, σσ. 372

2016-06-17T11:29:01+03:00