Les rapports roumano-serbes-monténégrins : aspirations communes vers l’affirmation des identités nationales (1870-1874)
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Abstract
This study présents instances of politicai coopération between Romania,
Serbia, and Montenegro before the beginning of the Balkan crisis in the middle
of the eighth decade of the nineteenth Century.
The convergent politicai tendencies of the Romanians and the Serbians,
made manifest at thè London Conference dedicated to navigational problems
along the Danube (1871), followed a tradiţional line. These tendencies were
emphasized by politicai and military contacts, proving the two countries’
desire to achieve their national ideals.
In our study, we have pointed out that these préoccupations with a
favourable change also had objective aims in the sphere of economic and
social life. Consequently, we have attempted to bring to light those characteristic
moments in the emergence of a new, capitalist, way of life, which penetrated éducation, every-day life, ethics, and institutions. We note the particular
aspects or politicai ILe and o. constituţionalism in Romania and Serbia
which .acilitated their mutual attraction, in the name of liberalism.
We hâve underlined the fact that this was sometimes facilitated by the
existence of a politicai intermediary, lacking ambition, but generous in its
sacrifice for thè common aim: the small principality of Montenegro.
At the head of this small Southern Slavic state was a bold diplomat
and strategist, Prince Nicholas Petrovič. The visíts of Románián emissaries
to Montenegro (T. C. Vacaresco in 1872, and A. Stourdza, in 1874) favoured
the collection of detailed data concerning the history of this mountain people
of Serbian origin, as well as thè politicai views of Prince Nicholas. We hâve
noted the ideas of the Monténégrin leader concerning the necessity of a Balkan
alliance, in which the leading role was to be played by Prince Charles of
Romania.
Romania’s prestige in the Southern Slavic world also increased considerably
as a resuit of the visit to Bucharest of Prince Milan of Serbia (May 1874).
However, Romania was not yet willing to accept Balkan politics, Charles
of Hohenzollern taking an instinctively reserved stand against the agitation
of Panslavism; his highly developed military sense told him, on the other
hand, that Romania was not yet sufficiently prepared for thè rigours of a
conflict with the Ottoman State.
Serbia, and Montenegro before the beginning of the Balkan crisis in the middle
of the eighth decade of the nineteenth Century.
The convergent politicai tendencies of the Romanians and the Serbians,
made manifest at thè London Conference dedicated to navigational problems
along the Danube (1871), followed a tradiţional line. These tendencies were
emphasized by politicai and military contacts, proving the two countries’
desire to achieve their national ideals.
In our study, we have pointed out that these préoccupations with a
favourable change also had objective aims in the sphere of economic and
social life. Consequently, we have attempted to bring to light those characteristic
moments in the emergence of a new, capitalist, way of life, which penetrated éducation, every-day life, ethics, and institutions. We note the particular
aspects or politicai ILe and o. constituţionalism in Romania and Serbia
which .acilitated their mutual attraction, in the name of liberalism.
We hâve underlined the fact that this was sometimes facilitated by the
existence of a politicai intermediary, lacking ambition, but generous in its
sacrifice for thè common aim: the small principality of Montenegro.
At the head of this small Southern Slavic state was a bold diplomat
and strategist, Prince Nicholas Petrovič. The visíts of Románián emissaries
to Montenegro (T. C. Vacaresco in 1872, and A. Stourdza, in 1874) favoured
the collection of detailed data concerning the history of this mountain people
of Serbian origin, as well as thè politicai views of Prince Nicholas. We hâve
noted the ideas of the Monténégrin leader concerning the necessity of a Balkan
alliance, in which the leading role was to be played by Prince Charles of
Romania.
Romania’s prestige in the Southern Slavic world also increased considerably
as a resuit of the visit to Bucharest of Prince Milan of Serbia (May 1874).
However, Romania was not yet willing to accept Balkan politics, Charles
of Hohenzollern taking an instinctively reserved stand against the agitation
of Panslavism; his highly developed military sense told him, on the other
hand, that Romania was not yet sufficiently prepared for thè rigours of a
conflict with the Ottoman State.
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